I thank all the members who signed my motion on baby loss awareness week, helping to make the debate possible, and those in the chamber and in the public gallery who are attending the debate this evening.
I pay tribute to all those charitable organisations that work so hard to support those who are living with baby loss; they visited the Parliament today and provided briefings for the debate. I especially thank Sands, Simba, Held In Our Hearts, Ayrshire Baby Loss Support and the Lullaby Trust. For the work that those organisations do day in, day out to support those who are dealing with baby loss, they deserve our thanks and recognition.
When I was a member of the United Kingdom Parliament, I secured the first ever debate in that Parliament on the issue of stillbirth. I led for my party on the annual baby loss awareness week debates, and I worked cross party to deliver statutory paid bereavement leave for all parents who lose a child up to the age of 18, introducing an amendment with that leave added on to statutory maternity leave for those who endure a stillbirth. However, there is still much work to be done.
Many members will be aware of my and my husband’s personal experience of the issue. In 2009, after five years of fertility treatment, I had what doctors and midwives called a “textbook perfect pregnancy”. I was healthier than I had ever been, until my due date, when the most extreme form of pre-eclampsia, known as HELLP—haemolysis, elevated liver enzymes and low platelet count—syndrome, left me in terrible pain.
After being treated with appalling disregard when I arrived at the hospital, I was reluctantly—and with very poor grace, to put it mildly—shown to a bed and pumped full of morphine, only to awake and discover that my full-term, 8lb 5oz son, who was an otherwise perfectly healthy baby, had died. In a cruel twist of fate, the date of his death is recorded as 15 October, which is baby loss awareness day. With repeated attempts to force a natural delivery, to which my body would not respond, my liver ruptured and my husband was told that I, too, would not survive.
The reason that I begin the debate in this way is that, although my experience should be, and ought to be, an isolated and unusual event, even 17 years later I continue to hear other stories from other devastated couples that show that it is still not isolated or unusual. It is extremely hard to escape the fact that nothing much has changed since my experience in 2009. When things go wrong, the walls go up and the silence comes down. Hospitals close ranks, and promised investigations lead to nothing but meaningless clichés about lessons being learned.
The frustrations that I and my husband suffered after the loss of Kenneth James Stewart Gibson, and the lack of answers, led us to commission two independent reports of our own, from two top obstetricians at the University of Edinburgh and Newcastle University respectively. They found, independently and separately, that systematic and basic failings had happened at every turn. Still, NHS Greater Glasgow and Clyde refused to accept any responsibility or provide any meaningful explanation.
We left the hospital not with a child in the car seat, but with an appointment at the local undertakers to arrange a funeral. At the funeral of a baby, there is only the silence of unfulfilled potential—a life stopped in its tracks by a system that simply does not work and for whom no one is held accountable, due to cover-ups and evasion. The system is so huge that it simply rolls over and crushes those who question it.
Fast forward 17 years on from the death of baby Kenneth, and we hear the same experience repeated by too many bereaved parents. Today, therefore, I have some specific and commonsense reasonable asks of the Minister for Mental Wellbeing, Public Health, Sport, Alcohol and Drugs. I understand that the Scottish Government has launched an independent review of maternity services, and so it must. However, I urge the minister to ensure that the review extends to all health boards so that we can see clearly which boards have failings to address, and where, and which, boards model better practice from which others may learn.
Will the review launched by the Government ensure that it takes into account the serious and devastating maternity failings in the past on which the failings of the present have been built? The failings that are happening right now did not develop overnight; they have taken root in a culture of secrecy, cover-up and obfuscation when things go wrong. A meaningful review must not be limited in where it can shed light—it must uncover, admit and acknowledge the culture that has grown over time.
Will the review make sure that health boards are not marking their own homework? When things go wrong, they must be reviewed and investigated by an independent third party, not someone who themselves is embedded in the system and culture that they are charged with investigating. Will the review set out what can be done to ensure that the standards and protocols that are already in place are adhered to? If that is done, many of the babies who die would not do so—basically, people just need to ensure that they do their jobs in the way that they have been trained to do them, and if they do not, there has to be some accountability.
For the future, will the minister ensure that data collection is consistent across Scotland, so that we will know the extent of any progress that is made in saving babies’ lives? Health boards across Scotland do not consistently record and disclose adverse incidents. Without consistent reporting, it is impossible to truly measure any progress that might be made. There needs to be compulsion and consistency across Scotland on the reporting and collection of data.
I fear that, unless those elements are included in the review’s terms of reference, it will be difficult to see how we can move the dial on maternal and neonatal health. We cannot continue as we are, with recurring patterns and systematic failures—it simply will not do. If we are to have that independent review, it has to be meaningful.
In Scotland, in 2025 alone, 300 babies were stillborn or died in the first year of their lives. That is not inevitable—better care would make a huge impact on those appalling and unacceptable figures. If there was a disease that killed 300 babies each year in Scotland, there would be outrage and anger, and demands for action, yet with cases of stillbirth and babies dying in the first year of their lives, most of which are avoidable, there is simply not enough outrage. There needs to be.
I do not want to stand in the chamber every October, just as I did in the House of Commons, and hear that lessons will be learned, only for nothing to substantially improve. The experience of too many expectant parents is that they go into hospital to have a baby and emerge with their hearts broken, a sheet of card with handprints and a funeral to arrange. That cannot go on.
I referred earlier to the wonderful charities that help families through the trauma of stillbirth and neonatal death. The fact is that they have more people to support than they should. Maternity care has to be better. We cannot save the lives of all the babies who have died due to systematic failures—they are gone. However, the independent review, if it is to do what it needs to do, which is to save more babies’ lives, address shortcomings and challenge poor care, needs to focus on the asks that I have put to the minister tonight.
I ask the minister to please do all that she can to make sure that the review is not an opportunity for meaningful improvement that passes us by. I ask the Parliament and the Government, and the minister, to grab the opportunity with both hands, for all the children who are yet to be born. [Applause.]